Introduction
The theory of public sphere as articulated by German philosopher and sociologist Jurgen Habermas( who was a member of the Frankfurt school, a leftish think-tank) His structural transformation of the public sphere, originally written in 1962.
Over time, authors like Nicholas Garnham and James Curran have reviewed Habermas’s concept of public sphere, they have given suggestions, agreed with his concept to some points and have critized his theory of public sphere.
What is public sphere?
The public sphere is seen as a domain of social life where public opinion can be formed. (Habermas, 1991 p.398).
He explained that in the late eighteenth century, a new political class emerged to the fore in Britain and formed a body which was in contrast to the old authorities (the state and the church) which provided opinions for reason based public opinion. Over time, authors like Nicholas Garnham and James Curran have come up with their own
Resources and time were used to create a network of institutions in civil society in which brand new political power, public opinion could all come into existence. All these institutions brought about public sphere. The creation of ne twork of institutions by the bourgeoise within the civil society and the emergence of newspapers provided a means whereby private thoughts can become public.
They were made up of debating societies, newspapers, universities and other learned institutions , museums, libraries, etc. Due to the early rise of capitalism, it gave room for the growth of science, of rational and secular thought, and the decline of religious and feudal obscurantism
Habermas concept of the public sphere
According to Curran(2011) Habermas traces the evolution of the ‘bourgeoise public sphere’ as a public space between the economy and the state in which public opinion was formed and ‘popular’ supervision of government was established from the seventeenth century to the first half of the nineteenth century.
He went on to argue that publics sphere came to be ruled by an expanded start and a set of organized economic interests. The media stopped being an agency of empowerment and rationality and became a place where the public was side-lined. The media was being used to manipulate mass opinion, the public was being conditioned into the role of passive consumers.
A new pattern of power relations was established where by organized interests bargained amongst themselves and continuously excluding the public in these negotiations.
Habermas (1991) pointed out that public sphere was destroyed by the same forces that created it. He explained that the growth of monopoly capitalism gave room for uneven wealth distribution.
The hike in entry price in the newspaper market made it almost impossible to break oligopoly control and unequal access to the control over that sphere.
The increase in newspaper entry also gave room for manipulation of the sphere by the bourgeoise. They made use of advertising and public relations as it grew to control information by public interests and not in the interest of rational discourse.
However, as the state started to take part in the economy, other people in the society who were willing to defend the public sphere from continuous monopoly (private interest) asked the state to materially support with provisions such as: systems of cultural subsidy , libraries , public education etc.
This led to the creation of administrative bureaucracy which slowly made the public sphere an independent entity between the economy and the state.
Public sphere is characterized by the following:
- The membership of the public sphere was seen as coterminous with citizenship. The costs of participation were evenly spread and social wealth was evenly distributed within the bourgeoise in the early days of capitalist development.
- It was protected from the power of church and state by the resources of a wide number of private individuals with an alternative source of economic power.
- It was a principle made open to all the same way the market is easily assessable to all. The cost of entry for each individual was reduced by the markets growth.
- It was supposed to be though, distinct from determination by the power of private interest because, in the tradition of the 18th century enlightenment, it was to obey the rules of rational discourse.
It’s concern was for the public good and not the play of power and not private interests which was its guiding characteristics.
“Principles are the indispensable basis for a free society’’-Habermas (1991).
These principles include:
- General accessibility , especially to information
- Elimination of privileged.
- The search for general norms of behaviour and discourse, their rational legitimation.
He further stated that there are institutions in which public reasoning/ opinion is formed and they are: the media of public opinion , elections, publicly accessible courts etc.
Boeder (2005) explained that, Haberman’s theory merits consideration because he carefully conceptualized the nature of the public sphere, viewing it as an achievement of the new bourgeois (capitalist) class in Europe , and an outcome of its successful struggle against feudalism church or state oppression. The shift from public opinion is documented with regard to the public sphere’s pre-eminent institutions, the mass media
However, Haberman’s thesis has been questioned on historical grounds
(Curran 1991, Hohendahl 1979 and Mortesen 1977) argued that he idealized the early period of history , he referred to and particularly the notion of the ‘independent’ nineteenth century press.
Koss ( 1981/1984) pointed out that the early British press was not as independent as Haberman’s described and therefore, one would argue, did not contribute to national discourse to the degree Habermas wanted.
Curran and the public’s sphere
Curran agrees with Habermas theory of public sphere to an extent but believes that the publics sphere should be re-organized.
He believes that the media has a democratic role to play and thus lays a proposal for a new way of organizing the media. He believes that the media and democracy clearly requires a removal van to carry away lumber accumulated through the centuries.
Curran(1991) suggests that the publics that the publics sphere cannot be re-established through a simple process of enlargement by enabling those who were formerly side-lined to participate in it.
“The role of the media in relation to it has to be reconceptualized and reincarnated in a new form.” Curran (1991).
He stressed that the democratic role of the media is to be a public watch dog overseeing the state. The watch dog role is said to override in importance amongst all other functions of the media and to dictate the form in which the media would be organized.
Only by anchoring the media to the media to the free market is it possible to ensure that the media is completely independent from the government. Once the government becomes a subject to public regulation it would loose it’s bite as a watch dog.
Curran (1991) stated that the democratic function of the media system is to acts as an agency of representation.
The media should be organized in such a way that allows social group and organizations express alternative viewpoints. The media should help create conditions in which alternative viewpoints and perspective are brought fully into play.
The core public sphere is the public space where all interests interact with one another seeking to establish agreement or compromise about the direction of society.
“ This implies a break from a poste modernist approach in which the act of media consumption is equated with political activity; the private holding of a political opinion is equated with political activism; and the guiding democratic force in society is deemed to be enlightened public opinion in the public sphere shaped by the interplay and control from above, given the extent to which mass media are currently influenced by dominant elites, even if media audiences display a healthy degree of independence’’ Curran (1991).
Nicholas Garnham and the public sphere
Garnham stated that the concept of public sphere had weaknesses and are easy to point out. He criticises Habermas for conceiving the public sphere in individualistic terms.
“ I do not believe that this is a necessary attribute of it, but it does have certain consequences for how the concept might be used. For Habermas , the public sphere and the concept of rational politics that goes with it , is based upon the assumption , which seems to me wholly unrealistic, that all participants possess full information and engage in all debates ” Garnham(1986).
Garnham agrees that Habermas’s theory of the public sphere is valuable for the following reasons:
- It stressed the impact for democratic politics of a sphere different from the economy and the state and therefore helps escape the false contrast-Public service vs. the market.
- Looks at the reality of the tenets inherent in the theory of the public sphere in terms of allocation of scarce social resources.
- It identifies the importance of rationality and universality as key measures for independent political practice.
- It confronts the liberal press theory on grounds of materiality and Marxist critiques of that tradition on grounds of the overall “specificity of politics’’.
Garnham also argued that, Haberman’s concept of public sphere cannot deal with the political problem of meditation, which makes it difficult for those whose role is to handle information gathering which is the public sphere’s raison d’etre , namely , journalists and politicians.
He stated that with these weaknesses, the theory had no place.
“ It is a further result of this weakness that the theory has no place for what I regard as an essential and central organizing institution within the public sphere, the political party.” Garnham (1986)
Suggestions for reform of modern mass media
A new way of organizing the media is called for in order to reclaim the media in the interest of the public.
The general subject of the media requires a removal van to carry away lumber accrued through the centuries. The idea of reform might as well be rejected in favour of better considered alternatives.
Two American political scientists of conservative sympathise have recently argued that any reform of the media, however desirable is unacceptable of it would cost the eradication of the, media as the watch dog of the society which is one of its core functions.
Kelly and Donway (1990) stated that, a press that is licenced , franchised or regulated is subject to political pressures when dealing with issues that affect the interest of those in power.
Stepp(1990) said that “ I cannot envision any kind of content regulation, however indirect” he goes on to say “ that wouldn’t project government into the position of favouring or disfavouring some views and information over others. Even so-called structural steps aimed at opening channels for freer expression would post government in the intolerable role of super gatekeeper”.
The various criticisms are suggestions for rethinking the informative role of the media.
By creating plurality of comprehension, the media should enable individuals to reinterpret their social involvement and question mark the belief and ideas of prevailing cultures.
It should also give room for everyone on the basis of diverse perspectives and sources , to decide for themselves how best to safeguard and advance their welfare collectively and as individuals, to strike a balance in differing definitions of public interest and demands based on fairness.
This would be emancipatory in a few ways:
It would give secondary class increased access to ideas and arguments opposing ideological re-presentations that appropriate their relegation and enable them to explore more fully ways of altering the structure of society to their benefit. Media fictions which enables people enable imaginatively, what it feels like to be other people.
Also, it should be organized in a way that enables different social groups and organizations to express alternative viewpoints. It should assist mutual organizations to mobilize support; aid them register effective protests and develop and promulgate alternatives.
The media should help to create the conditions in which alternative viewpoints and perspectives are brought to full play.
One part of the media system should provide a public arena of debate roughly coterminous with society in which different interests represented.
Provisions of organized channels of groups and social networks should be provided, the functioning of these groups should be facilitated.
The media should assist in the achievement of common objectives of society through agreement or negotiation between conflicting interests.
The media should make available this process by aiding democratic processes for settling conflicts and defining collectively agreed aims. E.g. the media should inform electorates about the political choices involved in elections.
Conclusion
This essay examined the concept of public sphere by Habermas a German philosopher and sociologist. His concept was appreciated and criticized by Authors such as Nicholas Garnham and Curran James who gave their opinions about public sphere.
Habermas saw public sphere as a domain of life whereby opinions can be formed. Libraries, universities became a place for public debates, while publishing enterprises formed a means by which the government was criticised. For Habermas public sphere was to enable everyone participate freely in it.
The modern media gave room for both normal individuals and political actors share ideas.
The idea of public sphere provided by Habermas was not perfect and was criticized which gave room for a reform.
References:
Curran, J. (1991) Rethinking the media as a public sphere: In communication and citizenship, eds. Routledge, London, PP 27-57.
Curran, J. (2011) Media and democracy. Taylor and Francis.
Golding, P., Murdock, G., & Schlesinger, P. (1986) The media and public sphere: Mass communications and the political process. (Eds), University press, Leicester.
Granham, N. Peter, G., Graham,M. & Philip S. (1986) the media and the public sphere: Communication politics.University Press, Leicester.
Habermas, J. Mukerji, C.& Schudson, M.(1991) The public sphere: Rethinking popular culture. University of California Press. Ed.): Berkeley/Los Angeles: pp.398-404
Hohendahl, P,U. (1979). New German critique: Critical theory , public sphere and culture, Jurgen Habermas and his critics. Vol 16, pp.89-118.
Kelly, D. & Donway ,R. (1990).Media democracy: “Liberalism and free speech in Judith” Litchtenberg, (ed) . Newyork: Cambridge University Press.
Koss, S. (1981 and 1984) The rise and fall of the political Press in Britain, vols 1 and 2, Harnish Hamilton, London.
Mortensen, F. (1977) The bourgeois Public sphere: A Danish Mass Communications Research Project. Grenaa, Denmark.
Stepp, C. (1990) Access in a post -responsibility age in Judith Lichtenberg ed. Mass Media and Democracy. New York: Cambridge University press.